5 Busting Myths About Inequity: Theories for Computer Science Educators to Think With
Sara Vogel; Lauren Vogelstein; Madison Allen Kuyenga; Lloyd M. Talley; Nykema Lindsey; Christy Crawford; Melissa Mejias Parker; Bethany Daniel; Stephanie T. Jones; and Computer Science Educational Justice Collective
Chapter Overview
This chapter offers some theoretical tools to think with as educators engage in equity-focused work. Specifically, the chapter examines the idea of intersectionality and a framework called “the Four I’s” that illuminates how inequity can be reproduced through systems of oppression at ideological, institutional, interpersonal, and internalized levels. The chapter uses these theories as lenses to bust myths that are often given as explanations for why inequity exists in computer science (CS) and CS education (CS Ed).
Chapter Objectives
After reading this chapter, I can:
- Identify common myths in CS Ed and explain how these myths reproduce inequities.
- Apply the theory of intersectionality to make sense of inequities in CS and CS Ed.
- Apply the theory of the Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage to make sense of inequities in CS and CS Ed.
Key Terms:
ableism; classism; the Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage; ideological oppression; ideologies; imposter syndrome; institutional oppression; internalized oppression; interpersonal oppression; intersectionality; marginalization; matrix of domination; microaggression; racism; sexism; structural oppression; theory; tokenism; xenophobia
Emily’s Story
Emily is an elementary teacher who is concerned about equity at her school.[1] She has heard several myths about students and recognizes how those myths contribute to the inequity she sees. Emily shared:
65% of the population of students at my school are multilingual learners. I have heard countless times from teachers that “multilingual learners can’t even read or write. How can they do CS?” [2]
Emily noticed that when teachers believe this myth, they often don’t expose their students to CS in their classrooms, which “widens the inequity for these students as they go through their education.” Emily finds it “very frustrating to hear these sentiments” and wants to learn how she can speak back to these myths to support more equitable instruction at her school.
Theories as Tools to Think With
Understanding why and how inequities persist is an important part of working toward educational equity. People offer many different explanations for why there are inequities in CS and CS Ed. Some of these explanations may sound like the following:
- Computer science is for “techies.” It’s a hard, technical field, so not everyone is cut out for it, which is why you don’t see a lot of diversity.
- If tech companies could find enough women and racially minoritized coders with the right skills, they’d hire them. It’s not about bias, it’s about qualifications.
- Since CS tends to attract certain types of students, like male students, there’s no need to spend extra time or resources supporting them. They already have an advantage.
While these explanations may make sense on the surface, there are a lot of false assumptions embedded in them. For example, the explanations suggest that participating in computing requires a certain set of abilities or identities but overlook the fact that anyone with interest and support can thrive in CS. They collapse differences between individuals, assuming that everyone from a certain group is the same, and they place blame on individuals without acknowledging systemic patterns that contribute to inequity.
Despite the fact that these statements are all actually myths based on incomplete information, these and other stories about inequity in CS have become second nature in CS educational spaces. There are many pitfalls, traps, tropes, and detours that people working toward equitable outcomes can fall into when they make assumptions like those described above (Dugan, 2021). To reach our goal of equity-centered CS Ed, we need to constantly examine the assumptions we are making about our students, CS as a discipline, and our classrooms.
Theories are one tool we can use to examine our assumptions. Developed by scholars, educators, activists, and people in their everyday lives, theories offer explanations for phenomena that can help us interpret what is happening around us so we can more effectively take action. In this chapter, we consider two theories: intersectionality and the Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage (ideological, institutional, interpersonal, and internalized).
Sometimes, the writing that describes theories from academic disciplines like sociology, law, and education can use dense language. We attempt to provide examples and explanations to make the theories presented in this chapter more relevant to CS educators and provide a glossary for support. Engaging with theoretical ideas and lingo, even though it can be challenging, can be an important way to support equity-focused growth, because it helps us take up new perspectives outside of our own experiences.
As we explore the theories of intersectionality and the Four I’s in this chapter, we use them to challenge common myths you might hear in the media, from administrators and colleagues, or even from students themselves. By using theory and facts to demystify these myths, we can’t promise that working toward equitable changes in CS Ed will get easier. However, if we better understand the systems that have led to pervasive issues and challenges in the field, we can better understand how to work to change those systems and guide our students to be change agents too. Hopefully, by thinking with us about these theories and myths, you’ll be prepared with a powerful response the next time you hear a myth being perpetuated.
Intersectionality
Intersectionality starts with a recognition of the fact that people’s identities are multifaceted and complex. It also draws on the idea that identities are socially constructed and that people can experience oppression and marginalization related to particular identities, while other identities afford access to social power and privilege. Building on these two principles, intersectionality as a theory argues that different aspects of people’s identity (e.g., disability, gender, race) overlap and intersect in ways that result in forms of oppression that cannot be understood or addressed by focusing on each identity separately (Crenshaw, 1991; Collins, 2019).
The concept of intersectionality has long been used in efforts to work toward social justice — even before legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term in the late 1980s. For example, Sojourner Truth was a formerly enslaved Black abolitionist who lived in the United States in the mid-1800s. During her life, emancipation efforts gave Black men the right to vote and suffrage movements worked to grant the right to vote to white women. Truth named how her identity as a Black woman left her overlooked by both of these movements (The Sojourner Truth Project, 1851; Collins, 2019).
Truth’s experience illustrates how social dynamics marginalize Black women in unique ways that cannot be described or understood by paying attention to just race or gender in isolation. Scholars have shown how intersectionality is important when working for social justice because everyone has different overlapping identities that are perceived in different ways by society. Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989) used this analogy to explain why intersectionality matters:
Consider an analogy for traffic in an intersection, coming and going in all four directions. Discrimination, like traffic through an intersection, may flow in one direction, and it may flow in another. If an accident happened in an intersection, it can be caused by cars traveling from any number of directions and, sometimes, from all of them. Similarly, if a Black woman is harmed because she is in the intersection, her injury could result from sex discrimination or race discrimination. (p. 149)
Sociologist Patricia Hill Collins calls these intersecting systems of power the matrix of domination (Combahee River Collective, 1977; Collins, 2019). The matrix of domination creates dynamics that produce distinct and interlocking forms of oppression based on identities like gender and race. Those who hold multiple marginalized identities experience domination and oppression at the intersections of their identities.
Intersectionality can help educators recognize why equity-based initiatives might fall short. Often, equity initiatives consider the marginalization a student might face in an “additive” way. For example, an initiative might assume that by addressing issues of racial discrimination, gender discrimination, and class discrimination separately, they will have helped a student who faces all three issues. But intersectionality emphasizes how our identities don’t just get added on top of each other. Instead, our identities intersect and overlap to result in distinct lived experiences, oppression, biases, and access or lack of access to power and privilege (Esposito & Evans-Winters, 2021).
Sometimes, the intersectional nature of identity gets obscured. For example, a Computer Science for All (CSforAll) initiative might consider statistics about girls’ pass rates for the AP CS Principles (AP CSP) course to measure progress toward broadening participation in CS. In 2022, 61% of girls and 64% of boys passed the AP CSP exam (Ericson, 2023). These numbers make it seem like the gender gap is closing. However, looking at the statistics in terms of gender and race highlights how large disparities still exist. In 2022, 70% of white girls passed the exam, but only 32% of Black girls, 38% of Hispanic girls, and 34% of Pacific Islander girls who took the exam passed.[3] Looking at the data only through gender or only through race obscures how racially minoritized girls continue to be marginalized in CS at the intersections of their racial and gender identities.
Mythbusting Time!
Myth: Because CS Ed tends to attract males, we don’t need to spend time and energy supporting male students.
Wrong! Even in initiatives and programs that have high rates of male participation, we need to understand how males with different combinations of identities might be experiencing CS Ed. Males also have intersecting racial, gender and sexual, religious, socioeconomic, disability, and linguistic identities that shape barriers they might face in CS Ed. Intersectionality helps us see that focusing on the single identity marker of gender hides the unique experiences of those with identities at particular intersections.
For example, Carey (2024) used the theory of intersectionality to show how an urban charter school reinforced the criminalization of Black boys and the stigmatization of Latine boys through school norms, disciplinary policies, and daily interactions. Schooling practices treat boys at the intersections of gender and race in unique ways, which shape how these students participate in CS Ed.
This myth also ignores the fact that students whose identities afford them more privilege (like males) benefit from learning about the experiences of marginalized groups in CS. If a goal of CS Ed is to achieve equitable outcomes and resist systems of oppression, then everyone plays a role. We and our students can work to ensure that people of all genders are respected in CS spaces, that products are designed with different genders in mind, and so on. Disrupting systems of oppression requires the work of many people, including those who are typically centered in CS and those who have been pushed to the margins of CS.
The Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage
One myth about education in general is that just having “bad actors” or individuals change their behaviors would fix inequities. But the reality is more complicated than that. Inequities are shaped by interlocking systems of oppression and advantage like ableism, classism, racism, or sexism. These cultural, economic, and political systems were established during periods of slavery, colonialism, and imperialism and continue to shape society today (Tatum, 2003). They reproduce different forms of identity-based discrimination and exclusion through a combination of individual prejudiced action and power embedded in institutional structures (Bell, 2013). They are systems of oppression and advantage because some identities are afforded a more dominant status in society and provide people with those identities with power and privilege.
This differential distribution of power creates social hierarchies (Wilkerson, 2020). For example, in the United States, racial hierarchies afford people racialized as white with access to particular social privileges while racially marginalized people face discrimination, exclusion, and oppression around their racial identities. Members of groups who are granted more privileged status may be socialized not to talk about or even notice these -isms, while members of marginalized groups may experience their direct consequences frequently (Tatum, 2003). How hierarchies are structured and how individuals experience injustice as a lived reality vary across cultures and countries. However, because benefits and privileges are embedded in social structures, inequities get (re)produced across social contexts.
The Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage (Four I’s) is a theory that helps us understand how systems of oppression and advantage are produced across multiple layers of society: ideological, institutional, interpersonal, and internalized (Chinook Fund, n.d.). Table 1 summarizes the Four I’s and their application to CS and CS Ed.
Table 1
The Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage
Dimension | Definition | Computer Science Application | CS Industry Example |
---|---|---|---|
Ideological Oppression | Dominant sets of beliefs and values that justify and maintain systems of oppression; often disguised as “common sense” | The myth of meritocracy in tech suggests that anyone can succeed if they work hard enough. This ignores systemic barriers faced by marginalized groups. | The myth of the solo “genius” tech-company founder can influence who is considered a strong leader and discount the contributions and leadership styles of those who don’t fit the Steve Jobs/Mark Zuckerberg Silicon Valley mold. |
Institutional Oppression | Structures and policies within institutions that disadvantage certain groups and benefit others | Algorithmic bias in facial recognition software leads to higher misidentification rates for racially minoritized people. | A 2019 study found that facial recognition software from Amazon, Rekognition, had a 53% higher error rate for identifying racially minoritized women when compared to white men (Buolamwini, 2019). |
Interpersonal Oppression | Prejudice and discrimination experienced by individuals or small groups in interpersonal interactions | Colleagues who question the programming expertise of a gender-marginalized coworker enact microaggressions in tech work spaces. | A venture capitalist is influenced by societal messages about racially minoritized women as less savvy and refuses to invest in a startup led by young Latine women, attributing it to a lack of “market potential.” |
Internalized Oppression | Acceptance of negative stereotypes about one’s own group, leading to self-doubt and discouragement | Marginalized groups underestimate their coding abilities due to stereotypes about their lack of aptitude in STEM fields. | A study found that college women felt less confident in their coding skills than college men, even when their actual skill levels were comparable (Beyer, 2014). |
Dynamics at all four levels of oppression shape CS education and computing professions. This means that working toward equitable outcomes in CS Ed requires more than just having people change by taking up equity-minded behaviors and mindsets. Real change also requires disrupting what we assume to be common sense, changing the policies and practices of institutions, and attending to how resources and benefits get distributed across society. The Four I’s are not exhaustive, but they can offer us a way to think about the interconnected systems that support oppression and advantage in society. Looking at each one individually, we can use them to debunk common myths in CS Ed.
Ideological Oppression and Inequity
One important way that inequity is maintained is through ideologies, or systems of ideas that circulate in society. Dominant ideologies that reproduce inequity are harmful because they perpetuate ideas that reinforce the supremacy of certain groups over others and contribute to ideological oppression. Ideologies are often hard to recognize because they get embedded in narratives and myths that are accepted as “common sense” by society.[4]
For example, in many CS classrooms, solving problems quickly and without asking questions is associated with intelligence. Valuing the ability to solve problems quickly may at first seem like “common sense.” But it actually draws on several ideologies that reproduce inequities. This unspoken value is rooted in Western cultural ideologies that equate time with money as part of a capitalist system. Valuing quick problem solving also promotes ableist ideologies that discriminate against neurodivergent students who process information differently and at different speeds. It may also marginalize bi/multilingual learners who draw on their full linguistic repertoires to complete a task. Prioritizing this value in CS classrooms can create inhospitable conditions for learners, creating competitive environments that reproduce other ideologies like individualism, which values individual achievement over collective growth.
Amanda, an elementary CS teacher, shared an example of ideological oppression in her context. She explained: “In my school, a well-spoken student is automatically thought of as ‘smarter.’ People assume that they must have ‘a well-educated family.’” Amanda named narratives that draw on language ideologies that equate intelligence and education with certain, privileged language practices. People often equate being “well-spoken” to using “standard” or “academic” English, and “well-educated” with having attended college, despite there being many ways of communicating and learning. Amanda challenged this ideological influence as she reflected that “I don’t think enough time is spent thinking about [how] we can call people into these spaces and make our teaching more culturally responsive and relevant to families.” Amanda’s call to think about how to create learning environments that value and center students’ language and cultural practices could be one way to contest ideological oppression in her space.
Mythbusting Time!
Myth: Inequities in CS exist because CS is a “hard,” “logical,” and “technical” field. It’s for “techies,” not for humanities types.
Wrong! Gone unchecked, this myth can prevent people from entering CS fields because they feel like their motivations and interests don’t align with stereotypical “techie” profiles. This contributes to inequity by narrowing the kinds of problems that CS works to solve and the ways of solving those problems.
This myth has two big ideological assumptions embedded in it that are important to tease out. First is the assumption that CS as a field and the products it produces are objective and logical and thus politically and culturally neutral. The second assumption is that CS is incompatible with concerns of the humanities, like expression, social issues, language, and culture.
CS as a field is defined as “the study of computers and algorithmic processes, including their principles, their hardware and software designs, their applications, and their impact on society” (Tucker et al., 2003, p. 6). CS activities like programming software and creating algorithms do involve using precise syntax and logic that allows hardware to process coded tasks.
However, humans write code, frame problems, design programming languages, and create interfaces and platforms to solve problems. Whenever humans are involved, social life and politics are also involved. As we’ve explored in earlier chapters, mainstream technologies have the values and biases of their creators embedded into them. If developers do not carefully think through the ethics of their creations, tools can easily reinforce the default -isms that already characterize our societies.
Ways of thinking about the world that come from the humanities and other fields may actually help computer scientists better examine the impact that technologies have on people’s lives. Techniques from CS can also offer people in the humanities new ways to do their work. For example, computing may help people analyze text or data, create art, and express and share their work with varied audiences.
If CS is deeply connected to the social and political human experience, then why does CS have a reputation of being “politically neutral”? Because CS has the word “science” in its name, it often gets linked to dominant ideologies that establish science as an objective way of learning about the world. While scientific methods have made significant contributions to our understanding of the world, the Western practices most often associated with “science” are not neutral. Western scientific disciplines were developed as part of European colonization of Asia, Africa, the Americas, and the Pacific. Europeans used “science” to classify, codify, and organize the natural world and the peoples they had “discovered.” As part of their colonizing efforts, they distinguished their practices as “hard science” and dismissed non-Western and Indigenous ways of knowing that viewed humans as an inextricable part of the natural world as lesser, “folk” traditions (Bang et al., 2012).
Framing CS as a hard science divorced from other ways of knowing creates narrow pathways into the discipline. These visions may not align with students from marginalized backgrounds, who may have interests and definitions of success that differ from what is currently accepted (McGee & Bentley, 2017). Influenced by ideologies of science as objective and separate from social life, in the United States, STEM subjects are traditionally taught in decontextualized and mechanical ways (Boaler & Greeno, 2000). This results in a focus on “unbiased,” objective observations that discount the ideas and concerns that children and youth bring to CS learning.
One way to counteract this myth is to intentionally take up students’ experiences as resources for learning. For example, one middle school teacher, Lucy, planned to use computational modeling with her students to consider the relationship between natural disasters and immigration. She originally planned to focus on using statistics to reason about immigration data. Her students, however, focused their initial ideas on the social and political reasons that would prompt families to immigrate to a new country. Instead of worrying that her students’ ideas would derail the class from the intended STEM content goals, Lucy recognized that both perspectives were needed. Putting the computational thinking in conversation with students’ social and political concerns allowed the class to create richer models of immigration. (For more on this example, see Radke et al., 2022.)
Institutional Oppression and Inequity
Ideologies that contribute to inequity often become embedded into policies and routines in social structures. These practices create inequitable opportunities and outcomes for different groups of people. Oppression can be institutionalized (reproduced at individual institutions like a single school or a single tech company) or structural (present across similar institutions over time, like schooling in general or the technology industry).
Institutional and structural oppression in the tech industry can be seen in how African American, Native American, and Latine women may become stuck in low-level positions in tech companies. Despite well-intended recruitment and retention policies, structural barriers may prevent racially marginalized people from advancing in their careers (McKinsey & Company, 2024; Smith, 2022).
In CS Ed, institutionalized inequity may appear in recruitment policies for CS Ed programs. For example, a school might have a policy that requires students to have received high grades, completed prerequisite courses, and have a “squeaky clean” disciplinary record to participate in CS classes. This kind of policy is advantageous for students who have been able to afford tutoring and support to succeed in courses — often those from more affluent households. However, it disadvantages students who did not have the same opportunities and who may have been disciplined more frequently. This kind of policy that institutionalizes inequity at one school becomes structural if similar practices occur at schools across the country and over time.
In fact, these kinds of structural systems of disadvantage and oppression do exist and work to exclude racially minoritized students, bi/multilingual students, and students with disabilities from CS learning opportunities. Across schools in the United States, Black and Latine students are disciplined at higher rates than their white peers (Losen, 2011; Noguera, 2003). This means that policies requiring a squeaky clean record to participate in CS may exclude Black and Latine students who would otherwise be interested in and successful at CS. Similarly, bi/multilingual students and racially minoritized students are overrepresented in special education programs (Annamma et al., 2013). Structural policies that situate CS as an enrichment course may mean that students in special education programs are excluded from CS opportunities as well (Wille et al., 2017). These institutionalized and structural layers of oppression create a situation where CS courses come to be treated as clubhouses, reserved for students who meet particular standards for what an average or typical CS student looks, sounds, and acts like (Margolis & Fisher, 2003). As a result, inequitable access to CS educational opportunities continues.
Dawn, another elementary CS teacher, described how institutional oppression reproduced inequity at her school. She shared:
CS at my school was originally offered to all children equally. Due to budget cuts, that program no longer exists. Now, the expectation is for classroom teachers to teach it as part of the STREAM [science, technology, reading, engineering, arts, and math] curriculum. Most classroom teachers do not feel comfortable teaching the CS unit, so only a few trained teachers do.
Dawn identified several institutional factors at play in her context: the budget cuts that eliminated the CS program, the expectation for teachers to incorporate CS into an already full curriculum with limited time, and the lack of training for teachers to feel confident teaching CS. All of these institutional factors have contributed to inequitable access to CS at Dawn’s school, despite the fact that at one time, all children did have CS opportunities.
Mythbusting Time!
Myth: There’s not enough time in the school day as it is for English Language Learners to learn English, let alone time for them to do CS. They need to prioritize fundamental skills like learning English and cannot be in CS classes.
Wrong! This myth is similar to the ones that Emily has heard in her school. Statements like these may be expressed by educators and school administrators with the best of intentions. Because they recognize the dominant role that English plays in the United States, educators might want to prepare their students with skills that can give them access to the power that comes from English proficiency. Whole school systems may institutionalize this sentiment through policies that include English prerequisites for CS classes or that schedule required English classes at the same time as CS “enrichment” courses. But withholding access to CS Ed for students who are already marginalized only exacerbates inequities.
It’s important to question what is at the root of statements like these. In the United States, one dominant ideology is that using “standard” English is a sign of intelligence and capability. Other languages and ways of communication are perceived as less valid. These beliefs come from histories of colonization, xenophobia toward immigrants, and racism toward linguistically and culturally marginalized groups. They have been institutionalized in policies that label bi/multilingual children as “English Language Learners.” This term focuses on students’ potential to learn “standard” English instead of taking into account the vast language competencies that they already have.
These ideologies are also institutionalized in the computing industry through conventions that use English-based programming language and code documentation. Thinking about language in this way hides the reality that people can express themselves and demonstrate their capabilities in many ways. Multilingual, verbal, written, symbolic, artistic, and embodied forms of language and expression can be used to communicate with those around us. While it may feel counterintuitive or like it is asking too much of students, CS educators can support all learners, including bi/multilinguals, to leverage all the language they know to learn computing. We explore this idea more fully in Chapters 11 through 14.
Many teachers have shared that instead of being a challenge, CS has actually been a resource and support for multilingual learners. Computing can allow students to express themselves in new ways and share their experiences with their teachers and peers. Visual programming languages and environments like the Scratch platform link code to multiple communication methods like written language and multimedia. This offers multiple entry points for students, regardless of their language backgrounds.
Ms. Kors, one of the teachers we met in Chapter 3, used this approach in her English as a New Language classroom. She asked her middle school students to tell family stories using Scratch. As they created and shared their stories, students used code alongside images, sounds, and languages they used at home and at school to represent and describe things like their stories’ settings and the personalities of their family members. This project supported Ms. Kors’ students in developing their coding and language skills, but it also supported Ms. Kors to learn more about her students’ lives and their complex language competencies (see Vogel, 2020, for more).
Interpersonal Oppression and Inequity
Inequities that are based in ideologies and embedded in institutional and structural policies are often felt most oppressively in individual and group interactions as a form of interpersonal oppression. People may assume that interpersonal issues are simply “bad people” acting on their prejudices and biases, but interpersonal oppression goes deeper than that. Interpersonal layers of inequity are reproduced in everyday actions when people make racist or sexist jokes or share comments that perpetuate stereotypes about groups of people. It also occurs in interactions like harassment, threats, violence, and police brutality against marginalized groups. Interpersonal forms of advantage can happen when someone privileges a member of a particular group over others in interactions like hiring and promoting decisions or when approving a loan. Ideologies and institutional and structural policies shape people’s interpersonal interactions and vice versa, creating a continual feedback loop.
Interpersonal oppression is shaped by power. While all people can act on prejudiced ideas that harmfully assert the supremacy of some groups over others, not all people’s actions are socially powerful in the same way (Kendi, 2019; Leonardo, 2007). When individuals with social and institutional power act on prejudice in ways that draw on power, they contribute to the harmful reproduction of society’s -isms in a way that is not possible for those who lack social or institutional power. For example, in 2020, a white woman called the police on a Black man in New York City’s Central Park for doing nothing more than “birding while Black” (Gross, 2023). She could marshall and rely on the power of law enforcement in ways that marginalized individuals may not feel safe doing, even when reporting actual hate crimes (Devine et al., 2018).
Interpersonal forms of oppression occur in CS Ed too. CS educators may wittingly or unwittingly hold lower expectations for their racially minoritized students, their students with disabilities, or their bi/multilingual students learning English. These expectations may be revealed in their interactions with or about students. For example:
- A teacher might comment to another teacher, “Oh that Spanish-speaking student is so well spoken,” reproducing the assumption that this student is an exception to a norm.
- A teacher might give the benefit of the doubt to a student who has a missing homework assignment because they perceive them as coming from a “good” family (e.g., with two professional, college-educated parents or caregivers).
- A teacher might want to raise awareness about ableism and unwittingly tokenizes a student with a disability by asking them to “represent” people with disabilities during class discussions.
- Male students might exclude their female and non-binary peers from contributing to a group project and question their capabilities.
While our interpersonal interactions can convey negative biases that reproduce inequitable power dynamics, they can also be used to contest inequities. As CS educators, we can work to understand our negative biases. We can strive to have interactions with students and families that are driven by a spirit of curiosity and openness rather than by stereotypes we might have been socialized into. When appropriate, we can call our colleagues in when we see interpersonal oppression happening around us and invite them to reflect on their own actions as a step toward disrupting inequity.
Amanda, the elementary CS teacher who shared about the ideological oppression she saw in her school, also recognized interpersonal oppression in her experiences with her students that resulted in lowering expectations for her bi/multilingual learners. She described:
I struggled the last couple years with my third and fourth grade ENL [English as a New Language] classes. I had a hard time communicating with them at the beginning of the school year. I felt frustrated and the students did too. The more I tried to break things down, I realized that I lowered expectations and the work was too easy for them. Through PD [professional development] and lots of reflection, I realized that challenging them and giving them choice in the work was the recipe for success. I made things more personal and I challenged them with projects they could personalize, and they made so much more progress.
By adjusting her interpersonal interactions with her students to center their expertise and challenge them, Amanda was able to disrupt some of the inequities in her space and transform her students’ experiences with CS.
Mythbusting Time!
Myth: Tech companies would hire more women and Black and Latine coders if there were enough of them out there with the requisite skills.
Wrong! This statement needs more context. There are many more Black and Latine students of all gender identities graduating with CS degrees than there are working in tech jobs. As one article reported, “At the top 25 undergraduate programs, nearly 9% of graduates are underrepresented minorities. … But technical workers at Google, Microsoft, Facebook, and Twitter, according to the companies’ diversity reports, are on average 56% white, 37% Asian, 3% Hispanic, and 1% Black” (Bui & Miller, 2016).
Applying the interpersonal lens from the Four I’s can help us uncover some reasons why these statistics exist. First, hiring managers at tech companies may be acting on implicit or explicit biases. They may look more favorably on candidates who have traits and life experiences that are associated with the white, Ivy League–educated males that predominate the industry. Many talented STEM graduates earn degrees from Historically Black Colleges and Universities, but employers often erroneously assume that these programs are not as rigorous as those at predominately white institutions (Tiku, 2021).
Hiring managers might also draw on ideologies like the “model minority” myth in their decision making. This myth perpetuates the stereotype that members of Asian and Asian American groups are better suited to STEM fields than other minoritized groups (Jin, 2021). Making hiring decisions based on this myth glosses over the racism that members of “model minority” groups experience in the field and pits marginalized groups against each other, furthering inequity (Chen & Buell, 2018; McGee, 2018; Shah, 2021).
A second contributing factor relates to the interpersonal dynamics within the CS industry. The people who make up a company establish the culture there, including the in-jokes and ways of talking, dressing, and behaving. Members of tech industry communities may perpetuate cultures of exclusion through their interpersonal interactions as they maintain their tech culture. This might happen through privileging the experiences and cultural references of dominant groups, through microaggressions; through overt acts of racism, classism, or sexism; or through tokenizing. (See Daniels et al., 2019, for a racial analysis of the tech industry; Margolis & Fisher, 2003, for a gender analysis; and Noble & Roberts, 2019, for an analysis that considers race, class, and gender.)
While the other Four I’s can shed additional light on issues that contribute to a lack of diversity in the tech industry, it’s important to recognize how interpersonal forms of oppression play a key role.
Internalized Oppression and Inequity
Systems of oppression can also include internalized oppression felt by individuals. Individuals who hold identities that are marginalized are often socialized, sometimes harshly, into the idea that they have no place in CS and related fields. Similarly, those who hold identities that are afforded power and privilege are socialized to the idea that they do belong in CS and “others” don’t.
How do students develop and internalize these deficit views of themselves? The other three I’s can contribute to the internalized layer of oppression. The ideological myth of meritocracy positions success as solely linked to skill or effort, so if students struggle in CS courses, they might internalize their difficulties as a personal weakness. This interpretation can create doubt in their abilities and erode confidence. Interpersonal interactions may also contribute to internalized oppression as students may hear messages from peers, family members, educators, and even guidance counselors about what they would or would not be good at, leading them to avoid CS courses. Institutionalized policies like those that require prerequisites for CS courses (e.g., calculus or algebra) can lead a student to second-guess their abilities even though skills from the prerequisite courses may not be required to succeed in the CS course.
Internalized oppression is often based on harmful stereotypes and assumptions (McGarr et al., 2023). The effects of negative stereotypes are often addressed, but expecting students to live up to positive stereotypes like the model minority myth described earlier can be just as damaging to students’ sense of belonging, self-efficacy, and agency (McGee, 2018). Research has shown that just knowing that a stereotype exists and being afraid of confirming that stereotype can interfere with learning and performance (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Anything that makes stereotypes more apparent in a setting, like asking students to identify their race or ethnicity on an exam, makes learners more likely to respond in ways that reinforce the stereotype (Steele, 2011). Introductory “weed out” courses that are intentionally designed to push out students who are considered less likely to succeed in CS are one example. Historically, students who are “weeded out” have been disproportionately Black, Indigenous, Latine, and female (Weston et al., 2019).
While internalized forms of oppression can be particularly harmful and pervasive, educators can also have a great deal of influence when it comes to students’ mindsets. We can support our students to think critically about and resist messages that frame them and their communities in deficit ways. We can also expose them to role models that represent where they come from and advocate for policies that foster their budding interests in CS fields.
CS teacher Nicole described how reflecting on her own biases helped her recognize how interpersonal and internalized oppression might be connected in her work. Nicole noticed that she might be making assumptions that contribute to inequitable interpersonal interactions. Nicole shared:
As the CS teacher in my school, trying to build my CS team is so difficult. Older teachers are always hesitant to learn CS Ed. … Often younger teachers are more willing. Am I making this stereotype about older teachers? Are their own views of internalized oppression making them doubt themselves and lack confidence or interest? This made me think about how to approach them differently. At the beginning of the year, I am going to sit down and ask them different questions to see if I can spark a new interest in CS, change their internalized beliefs that cause them to avoid CS, and get more teachers involved in CS Ed.
Nicole recognized how rather than stereotyping teachers, she could address her own assumptions and biases. Then, she could intentionally plan for interactions that might explore and potentially alleviate some of the teachers’ concerns that could come from internalized negative views about CS.
Mythbusting Time!
Myth: Internalized oppression is just that — internal. It often comes out as self-talk and might sound like students telling themselves myths like, “Only guys do well in the AP CSP class. I don’t want to be the only woman and student with a disability in the class. There’s no way I can succeed.”
Wrong! As with many instances of internalized oppression, the myth is based on assumptions and stereotypes that are false. The AP CSP course was designed to be an introductory course and to welcome all learners with interest.
Unfortunately, self-talk like this happens when students absorb false messages from society about how their identity and their experiences are negatively linked to their potential. Students experiencing internalized oppression based on this myth may be reacting to past experiences in unsupportive learning environments that made them feel less than capable.
For example, many schools do not serve students with disabilities well and may even track students with disabilities away from AP courses. Students with identities at the intersection of disability and other marginalized identities may experience this oppression in distinct ways. A white student with a disability may be more likely to receive adequate special education services than a Black or Latine student, an affluent student would be more likely to receive adequate services than a low-income student, a monolingual English-speaking student may be more likely to receive services than a multilingual student labeled as an English Language Learner. An Asian student with a disability might experience undue pressure to perform well in an AP course because of the “model-minority stereotype” that assumes that students from Asian backgrounds are educationally and economically successful (McGee, 2018). Students with multiple marginalized identities are uniquely impacted by internalized oppression.
Similarly, high school AP CS teachers may not be prepared to support students with disabilities or to teach computing in ways that are relevant to students’ interests, cultures, and identities. It is easy to interpret deficiencies in a learning environment as deficiencies in oneself. This primes students to internalize oppression felt through a lack of belonging or imposter syndrome.
Revisiting Emily’s Story
As Emily learned about the theories discussed in this chapter, she recognized that the myth about multilingual students at her school not being able to do CS was connected in part to an institutionalized layer of inequity. Thankfully, the administration at Emily’s school also recognized this. Emily described how the admin “are very adamant about students receiving CS education and have now tied parent events to the CS courses. Parents are invited a few times a year to see what their child has worked on and the events are very well attended.” Connecting CS learning to a schoolwide event helped disrupt institutional inequity because the teachers at Emily’s school have become more diligent in implementing CS for all students. Emily concluded that “the students LOVE showing off their work and the parents are really thankful for the CS education their children are receiving.” Emily’s experience shows how using theories can help us recognize how inequities are being reproduced in our environments so that we can work to disrupt them.
Reflection Questions:
- How does applying the theories of intersectionality and the Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage help you make sense of inequities in CS Ed? How might you apply these theories in your contexts?
- What myths exist in the spaces you work in? How can you use the theories in this chapter to understand and combat those myths?
Takeaways for Practice:
- Reflect on how intersectionality applies to you and how your intersectional identities influence your work as an educator. Consider changes you might make in your setting to better attend to the intersectional identities of students.
- Identify one myth in this chapter that is relevant to your work. Apply the Four I’s to determine whether that myth is influenced by ideological, institutional/structural, interpersonal, or internalized oppression (or some combination of the four). Create an action plan to start addressing this myth in your setting.
Glossary
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Resource 1: Applying the Theories in Action
Jade’s Story
Intersectionality and the Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage provide tools that CS educators can use to make sense of what happens in CS classrooms. These theories also work well when combined together. Let’s use them to unpack an experience shared by Jade, a Black woman graduate student interviewed as part of a study done by Rankin and colleagues (2021).
As you read Jade’s story, try to apply the theories discussed in this chapter. The reflection questions can help with this. When you’re ready, read some of the ways that the theories could apply to Jade’s experience. There may also be other applications you recognize that aren’t described here!
Jade was a Black woman and graduate student enrolled in an undergraduate programming class with a group project assignment. Because there were only a few women enrolled in the course, Jade ended up in a group with three white males. As the group brainstormed how to solve the assigned programming problem, Jade offered several ideas for finding a solution, but her suggestions were rejected by her peers. Jade went along with what the group decided even though she suspected that the direction they were going in wouldn’t work. Jade described how she followed her group’s lead because she “wanted to be a team player” (Rankin et al., 2021, p. 17). As the project deadline approached without a solution, Jade ended up solving the problem on her own at home. The next day, because her group was still struggling, Jade showed them her solution. Her peer tried to take credit for the solution as something he had suggested earlier, but Jade refused to let her solution and her contribution go unacknowledged.
Reflection Questions
- How does the theory of intersectionality help us understand Jade’s story?
- Where can you identify each of the Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage (ideological, institutional, interpersonal, and internalized) in Jade’s experiences?
Intersectionality
Rankin and colleagues analyzed Jade’s experience through the lens of intersectionality. Jade emphasized in her interview with them how her intersectional identity as a Black woman shaped how she was positioned in her group. Jade was not valued as an equal contributor to her group, given credit for her work or invited to fully collaborate with her peers. Jade described being unsure if her peers’ treatment of her during the project was “because of her race or her gender” (Rankin et al., 2021, p. 17).
Intersectionality helps us understand how it may not really matter whether Jade can untangle which parts of her experience were influenced by her racial identity or by her gender identity. Instead, her experience unfolded how it did because of how her racial and gender identities intertwined. The authors emphasized this point: “Black women deal with these kinds of microaggressions on a routine basis and can never discern if it is their gender or their race that causes their White male peers to dismiss them as being incompetent computer scientists” (Rankin et al., 2021, p. 17).
The Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage
The Four I’s of Oppression and Advantage also provide insights into Jade’s experience. The interpersonal oppression is especially clear in this story. The peers in her group, all white males, rejected and excluded Jade’s contributions as a Black woman throughout their group interactions. The group’s response to Jade may be influenced by ideological oppression that perpetuates ideas of women and racially marginalized individuals as being less capable at programming and computing than white males. We can also recognize institutional oppression in the structural patterns that resulted in Jade being one of only a few women enrolled in her programming course. However, Jade’s story provides a counterexample to internalized oppression. Rather than accepting the devaluing of her work, Jade instead refused to allow her peers to take credit for her work.
- Emily’s experiences are shared with permission. ↵
- See the On Terminology section of this guide for an explanation on our use of different identity-related terms. ↵
- We use the racial and gender categories that were used on the exam. We acknowledge that these categories do not fully capture students’ diverse racial and gender identities. ↵
- We use the term “common sense” in line with scholars who have noted that what society names as common sense is generally neither common nor sensical (Fairclough, 2014; Garfinkel, 1967). ↵